Although many organizations use torrenting to lessen the load on servers, the general public relates torrents with piracy. Sadly, many do use torrents to download pirated content which makes the protocol quite controversial.
The news of the Plymouth Riots caused massive controversy nationally, the daily papers printed lurid stories of looting and burning, and rumours flew of red flags flown, police beating men to death in the streets, and even an elite French commando squad attacking the city. Near to Plymouth, wildcat strikes broke out in support of the workers of the city. On May 20, the Transport and General Workers' Union (TGWU) with its hundreds of thousands of members announced a solidarity strike, which paralysed docks, trainyards and stations across the country.
Torrent Anti Flag The General Strike
Police numbers were few compared to the number of strikers, and were quickly spread too thin to provide much hindrance to the large bulk of the general strike. Property crime in urban areas soared with police overburdened and vast numbers of people with little to do.
On September 5, a crowd of strikers chanting syndicalist slogans marched in the direction of inexperienced soldiers guarding the docks. One private panicked and opened fire, the first known case of the deliberate killing of a striking worker. Fearing that their comrade had spotted a threat, other soldiers fired too, leaving five of the strikers dead before the rest fled.
Traditional anti-virus products use signatures to identify known bad. If we embed our known bad shellcode into an executable, an anti-virus product will recognize the shellcode and flag the executable as malicious.
Many anti-virus products go a step further. These anti-virus products simulate execution of an executable in a virtual sandbox. With each emulated step of execution, the anti-virus product checks for known bad in the emulated process space. If known bad shows up, the anti-virus product flags the executable or DLL as malicious. This technique defeats many encoders and packers that try to hide known bad from signature-based anti-virus products.
On January 21, 1919, 35,000 shipyard workers in Seattle went on strike seeking wage increases. They appealed to the Seattle Central Labor Council for support from other unions and found widespread enthusiasm. Within two weeks, more than 100 local unions joined in a call on February 3 for general strike to begin on the morning of February 6.[4] The 60,000 total strikers paralyzed the city's normal activities, like streetcar service, schools, and ordinary commerce, while their General Strike Committee maintained order and provided essential services, like trash collection and milk deliveries.[5]
Meanwhile, the national leadership of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and international leaders of some of the Seattle locals recognized how inflammatory the general strike was proving in the eyes of the American public and Seattle's middle class. Press and political reaction made the general strike untenable, and they feared Seattle labor would lose gains made during the war if it continued.[11] The national press called the general strike "Marxian" and "a revolutionary movement aimed at existing government".[12] "It is only a middling step", said the Chicago Tribune, "from Petrograd to Seattle."[13]
As early as February 8 some unions began to return to work at the urging of their leaders. Some workers went back to work as individuals, perhaps fearful of losing their jobs if the Mayor acted on his threats or in reaction to the pressure of life under the general strike.[14] The executive committee of the General Strike Committee first recommended ending the general strike on February 8 but lost that vote. Finally on February 10, the General Strike Committee voted to end the strike the next day.[15] The original strike in the shipyards continued.[16]
Though the general strike collapsed because labor leadership viewed it as a misguided tactic from the start, Mayor Hanson took credit for ending the five-day strike and was hailed by the press. He resigned a few months later and toured the country giving lectures on the dangers of "domestic bolshevism". He earned $38,000 in seven months, five times his annual salary as mayor.[17] He published a pamphlet called Americanism versus Bolshevism.[18]
Cleveland, Ohio saw the worst violence. Leftists protesting the imprisonment of Eugene V. Debs and promoting the campaign of Charles Ruthenberg, the Socialist candidate for mayor, planned to march through the center of the city. A group of Victory Loan workers, a nationalist organization whose members sold war bonds and thought themselves still at war against all forms of anti-Americanism, tried to block some of the marchers and a melee ensued. A mob ransacked Ruthenberg's headquarters. Mounted police, army trucks, and tanks restored order. Two people died, forty were injured, and 116 arrested. Local newspapers noted that only 8 of those arrested were born in the United States. The city government immediately passed laws to restrict parades and the display of red flags.[48]
The American Federation of Labor (AFL) began granting charters to police unions in June 1919 when pressed to do so by local groups, and in just 5 months had recognized affiliate police unions in 37 cities.[58] The Boston police rank and file went out on strike on September 9, 1919 in order to achieve recognition for their union and improvements in wages and working conditions.[59] Police Commissioner Edwin Upton Curtis denied that police officers had any right to form a union, much less one affiliated with a larger organization like the AFL. During the strike, Boston experienced two nights of lawlessness until several thousand members of the State Guard supported by volunteers restored order, though not without causing several deaths. The public, fed by lurid press accounts and hyperbolic political observers, viewed the strike with a degree of alarm out of proportion to the events, which ultimately produced only about $35,000 of property damage.[60]
Samuel Gompers of the AFL recognized that the strike was damaging labor in the public mind and advised the strikers to return to work. The Police Commissioner, however, remained adamant and refused to re-hire the striking policemen. He was supported by Massachusetts Governor Calvin Coolidge, whose rebuke of Gompers earned him a national reputation. Famous as a man of few words, he put the anti-union position simply: "There is no right to strike against the public safety, anywhere, anytime."[68]
Several films used labor troubles as their setting, with an idealistic American hero and heroine struggling to outwit manipulative left-wing agitators.[112][113] Dangerous Hours tells the story of an attempted Russian infiltration of American industry.[114] College graduate John King is sympathetic to the left in a general way. Then he is seduced, both romantically and politically, by Sophia Guerni, a female agitator. Her superior is the Bolshevik Boris Blotchi, who has a "wild dream of planting the scarlet seed of terrorism in American soil".[115] Sofia and Boris turn their attention to the Weston shipyards that are managed by John's childhood sweetheart, May. The workers have valid grievances, but the Bolsheviks set out to manipulate the situation. They are "the dangerous element following in the wake of labor as riffraff and ghouls follow an army".[115] When they threaten May, John has an epiphany and renounces revolutionary doctrine.[116]
In 1919 Kansas enacted a law titled "An act relating to the flag, standard or banner of Bolshevism, anarchy or radical socialism" in an attempt to punish the display of the most common symbol of radicalism, the red flag. Only Massachusetts (1913) and Rhode Island (1914) passed such "red flag laws" earlier. By 1920 they were joined by 24 more states.[128] Some banned certain colors (red or black), or certain expressions ("indicating disloyalty or belief in anarchy" or "antagonistic to the existing government of the United States"), or certain contexts ("to overthrow the government by general strike"), or insignia ("flag or emblem or sign").[129] The Yale Law Journal mocked the Connecticut law against symbols "calculated to ... incite people to disorder", anticipating its enforcement at the next Harvard-Yale football game.[128] Ohio exempted college pennants and Wisconsin made an exception for historical museums.[130] Minnesota allowed red flags for railroad and highway warnings.[131] Setting patriotic standards, red flag laws regulated the proper display of the American flag: above all other flags, ahead of all other banners in any parade, or flown only in association with state flags or the flags of friendly nations.[132] Punishment generally included fines from $1,000 to $5,000 and prison terms of 5 to 10 years, occasionally more.[133]
Palmer called for every state to enact its own version of the Sedition Act.[135] Six states had laws of this sort before 1919 usually aimed at sabotage, but another 20 added them in 1919 and 1920. Usually called "anti-syndicalist laws", they varied in their language, but generally made it a crime to "destroy organized government" by one method or another, including "by the general cessation of industry", that is, through a general strike.[140] Many cities had their own versions of these laws, including 20 in the state of Washington alone.[141]
With Palmer's backing, Hoover warned the nation to expect the worst: assassinations, bombings, and general strikes. Palmer issued his own warning on April 29, 1920, claiming to have a "list of marked men"[143] and said domestic radicals were "in direct connection and unison" with European counterparts with disruptions planned for the same day there. Newspapers headlined his words: "Terror Reign by Radicals, says Palmer" and "Nation-wide Uprising on Saturday". Localities prepared their police forces and some states mobilized their militias. New York City's 11,000-man police force worked for 32 hours straight. Boston police mounted machine guns on automobiles and positioned them around the city.[144] 2ff7e9595c
Comments